The convergence of progressive ideologies and militant Islam has sparked debate, with critics arguing it’s a paradoxical alliance rooted in shared opposition to Western systems. This article explores the historical, ideological, and political factors behind this phenomenon, supported by expert insights and references.
The relationship between leftist ideologies and militant Islam can be traced to the 20th century, particularly during anti-colonial movements. Progressive groups often supported revolutionary causes opposing Western imperialism, which sometimes aligned them with Islamist factions.
Dr. Lorenzo Vidino, Director of the Program on Extremism at George Washington University, notes, “The left’s sympathy for anti-imperialist struggles created a blind spot for the ideological differences with Islamist movements” (Vidino, 2020). This shared anti-Western sentiment laid the groundwork for cooperation, despite conflicting values like secularism versus theocracy.
The alliance thrives on shared narratives, particularly around oppression and resistance. Progressives often frame global conflicts through the lens of systemic injustice, a perspective that resonates with militant Islam’s portrayal of Western dominance.
Prominent leftist scholars like Noam Chomsky and Judith Butler have expressed support for such terrorist groups as Hamas and Hezbollah and have described them as part of the international and progressive left.
“Similarly, I think: Yes, understanding Hamas, Hezbollah as social movements that are progressive, that are on the Left, that are part of a global Left, is extremely important.” — Judith Butler at UC Berkeley on the war between Israel and Hezbollah, 2006.
“If the immutable character of sex is contested, perhaps this construct called ‘sex’ is as culturally constructed as gender; indeed, perhaps it was always already gender, with the consequence that the distinction between sex and gender turns out to be no distinction at all.” ― Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity
Both groups critique capitalism and globalisation. Militant Islamists view Western economic systems as exploitative, a view echoed by some progressive activists. Scholar Asef Bayat explains, “The rhetoric of anti-globalization unites disparate groups, even when their end goals diverge sharply” (Bayat, 2013).
The left’s emphasis on marginalised voices aligns with Islamist narratives of Muslim victimhood under Western policies. This creates a mutual willingness to overlook ideological contradictions, such as Islamism’s rejection of gender equality or free speech—core progressive tenets.
In recent decades, political alliances have solidified this convergence. Progressive groups and Islamist organisations have collaborated in protests, advocacy, and even electoral politics, particularly in Europe and North America.
The alignment between progressive ideologies and militant Islam often hinges on a shared political worldview that mirrors Marxist principles—a binary struggle between oppressors and oppressed, demanding revolutionary upheaval. Both groups thrive on indignation against perceived injustices, whether economic inequality or Western dominance. This shared grievance fosters solidarity, even when their ultimate goals clash. This perspective, rooted in resentment and a rigid moral framework, reduces complex human interactions to power dynamics, creating a totalitarian lens that unites these seemingly disparate groups.
Political theorist John Gray argues, “The revolutionary zeal of both radical leftists and Islamists stems from a shared belief in systemic oppression that justifies extreme measures” (Gray, 2007). For progressives, this manifests in critiques of capitalism and imperialism; for Islamists, it’s a divine mission against “jahiliyyah” (ignorant societies). The causes differ, but the lens—power dynamics as the sole determinant of justice—remains identical.
Sayyid Qutb, a pivotal Islamist thinker, explicitly rejected Marxism but was undeniably shaped by its revolutionary fervor. In his 1964 book Milestones, Qutb framed history as a life-and-death struggle between Islam and jahiliyyah—societies ignorant of divine law. He argued that these corrupt systems must be eradicated to establish a pure Muslim society, a vision that parallels Marxist calls for class warfare to achieve a utopian state. Qutb’s Milestones serves as an Islamist counterpart to Vladimir Lenin’s 1902 pamphlet What Is to Be Done?, which outlined the ideological and tactical blueprint for Soviet communism. Scholar Paul Berman notes, “Qutb’s rhetoric of inevitable conflict and moral absolutism borrows the structure of Marxist dialectics, repurposing it for a theocratic end” (Berman, 2003).
Post-9/11 anti-war protests saw coalitions between leftist activists and Islamist groups. In the UK, the Stop the War Coalition included members of the Muslim Association of Britain, which has ties to Islamist ideologies. Journalist Nick Cohen observed, “The left’s desperation for allies against perceived imperialism led to partnerships with groups they’d otherwise condemn” (Cohen, 2007).
University campuses have become hubs for this alliance. Progressive student groups often amplify Islamist narratives under the banner of free speech or anti-Zionism. A 2021 report by the Henry Jackson Society found that 30% of UK campus events on Islam-related issues featured speakers with extremist affiliations (Henry Jackson Society, 2021).
Critics argue this alliance undermines progressive values. Feminist scholar Phyllis Chesler warns, “By aligning with forces that oppress women and minorities, the left risks betraying its own principles” (Chesler, 2013). Others highlight the danger of legitimising extremist rhetoric under the guise of solidarity.
This convergence has influenced policy debates, particularly around immigration and counterterrorism. Progressive advocacy for leniency toward radical groups can complicate security efforts, as seen in cases like the 2017 London Bridge attack, where attackers exploited community trust (BBC, 2017).
This ideological convergence has tangible cultural effects, bridging extremist texts and progressive academia. University campuses amplify this synthesis. Students encounter Chomsky, Judith Butler, Michel Foucault, Frantz Fanon, Edward Said, and Rashid Khalidi—thinkers who, to varying degrees, frame history as a struggle against oppressive power structures. A 2022 study by the National Association of Scholars found that 40% of U.S. college syllabi in Middle Eastern studies included texts emphasising anti-colonial or anti-Western themes, often without critical counterpoints (NAS, 2022). This intellectual environment primes students to sympathise with revolutionary rhetoric, regardless of its source.
The digital age has extended this influence to social media. In November 2023, TikTok saw a surge in videos praising Osama bin Laden’s Letter to America, a post-9/11 manifesto blaming U.S. policies for global unrest. These videos, popular among younger users, framed bin Laden’s arguments as anti-imperialist critiques, echoing progressive talking points. Journalist Bari Weiss commented, “The viral spread of bin Laden’s letter shows how academic theories about power and oppression are repackaged for mass consumption online” (Weiss, 2023). The trend alarmed policymakers, leading to calls for better digital literacy education (Reuters, 2023).
The alliance has also divided progressives. Some, like author Sam Harris, argue it’s a betrayal of liberalism: “The left’s refusal to criticise regressive ideologies alienates those who value universal human rights” (Harris, 2015). This ideological overlap shapes political debates, particularly around foreign policy and free speech. Progressives advocating for leniency toward radical groups—often framed as defending marginalised voices—can inadvertently amplify extremist rhetoric. Conversely, Islamists exploit progressive platforms to gain legitimacy. In Europe, Islamist-linked organisations have joined progressive coalitions on issues like immigration, framing themselves as victims of xenophobia. A 2020 report by the European Centre for Counterterrorism warned, “The left’s alliances with Islamist groups risk normalising radical narratives under the guise of inclusivity” (ECCT, 2020). The synthesis also alienates moderates on both sides.
The convergence of progressive ideologies and militant Islam is a multifaceted issue, rooted in historical anti-Western struggles and reinforced by shared narratives. While it offers political leverage for both sides, it raises questions about consistency and long-term consequences. As Dr. Vidino suggests, “Understanding this alliance requires confronting uncomfortable truths about ideological compromises” (Vidino, 2020).
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